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john hoole

by John Hoole

In the decade since the 2000 census, the racial balance in the Rainier Valley has shifted from 27% white, 23% black, 38% Asian in 2000 to 31% white, 22% black, and 35% Asian in 2010. During that period, the Rainier Valley’s total population increased by 3,887 to 83,968.

The Valley’s white population increased by 4,376 to 26,235 since 2000. The number of white residents declined in 6 census tracts, but none lost more than 150. Over the course of the decade, the white population jumped most dramatically — by 486 residents — in census tracts 110.01 and 110.02, which include NewHolly/Othello.

The 2010 census appears to show a modest reversal of the historic trend of whites leaving the Rainier Valley. Between 1960 and 1970, southeast Seattle lost 11,962, or 20%, of its white residents. From 1970 to 2000, another 27,767 left.

Between 2000 and 2010, the number of black/African American residents in Rainier Valley increased by 208 to 18,465. The black population increased by 1,182 in census tracts 110.01 and 110.02, which include NewHolly/Othello. Though the census is silent on the matter, it’s likely that a fair number of these new residents are East African immigrants.

From 1970 to 1980, the black population of Rainier Valley doubled to 20,000, making up 29% of the total, and from that time the number leveled off and started to decline, dropping to 27% of the total by the time of the 2000 census.

Between 2000 and 2010, the Rainier Valley’s Asian population dropped by 605 to 29,716. During that decade the number of Asian residents has declined in all but 4 of the Valley’s 16 census tracts. These four are adjacent census tracts that run down the west side of the Valley from Graham southward to the city limits. — 110.1, 110.2 (the Othello/NewHolly census tracts), 117, 119. The population identified in the census as Pacific Islander has declined in all but the southern-most census tract.

The 2010 census seems to show a leveling off of the decades long increase of the Valley’s Asian population (which almost tripled between 1970 and 2000).

The Native American population has decreased by 255 or 30% to 615 since 2000. The biggest drop, from 137 to 68, was the census tracts that include the redeveloped west side of the the Rainier Vista housing project.

In both the 2000 and 2010 census, the north-south axis separating southeast Seattle’s census tracts (Rainier Avenue in the north and Martin Luther King Jr Way in the south) is a significant border. Forty-four percent of the Valley’s population lives on the west side and 55% on the east. Eighty percent of white residents (up from 70% as of the 2000 census) and 68% of black residents lived east of Rainier/MLK. For Asians, the proportion is flipped, with 57% living on the west side and 43% on the east.

Thirty-four percent of the Rainier Valley’s white residents could be found in the three northeastern-most census tracts along the shore of Lake Washington. Thirty-three percent of southeast Seattle’s African American population lived in the 3 southern-most census tracts. Thirty-two percent of the Valley’s Asian population could be found in three census tracts west of MLK on either side of Graham Street running up Beacon Hill.

Earlier this year, Remapping Debate released an interactive map based on 2005-2009 Census Block Group data that it says illustrates segregation right down to the city block level, revealing some otherwise hidden truths not necessarily apparent in the larger geographic areas represented by Census Tracts.

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From Columbia City neighbor John Hoole:

Last Wednesday, I met Denise Gloster for lunch at Afrikando Afrikando in Hillman City to start planning this year’s March For Youth, which is officially set to go down on Sat., June 20, from noon to 4pm.

Aside from taking care of myriad other business, Denise is a relentless advocate for the kids in Southeast Seattle who are most likely to get tangled up in the crime and gun violence that plagues our neighborhoods. As we talked, I knew I was in the right place doing the right thing.

I’m convinced that there’s nothing more important going on in Southeast Seattle than the youth violence issue. More than land use or electoral politics or the real estate outlook, how the community deals with the crisis will determine the kind of place this will be in a decade.

The plan so far is to have two marches, one from the Central District and one from Southeast, converging on Judkins Park for speechifying and entertainment. The goal is to bring the whole community together in support of our youth and united against violence. We’ll give the many people who are looking to be a part of the solution to this problem some practical opportunities to help.

There’s a lot of work to be done in the coming weeks. Residents of the Central and Southeast Districts, of Seatac and Tukwila, and all of Seattle, business owners and nonprofit do-gooders, police, private school administrators, mayoral candidates, hip hop kids, everybody — we need your help.

Expect to be recruited.

The second annual March for Youth is planned for Sat., June 20. Photo/do communications, inc.

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tim-burgessLast Tuesday, Columbia City neighbor and frequent RVP contributor John Hoole attended the meeting of the City Council’s Public Safety Committee and was kind enough to share some observations about the briefing on the City’s Youth Violence Prevention Initiative (YVPI):

The plan as it was initially announced to the public had a $9.2 million budget. According to Doug Carey of the Mayor’s office, “because of budget balancing needs and one select program reduction, the Council action resulted in an $8 million initiative over two years.”

Intended YVPI outcomes:

  • A 50% reduction in court referrals for juvenile crimes against persons commited by youth residing in the Central Area, Southeast Area, and Southwest Area Networks
  • A 50% reduction in the number of suspensions/expulsions due to violence-related incidents at Denny, Aki Kurose, Madrona K-8, Madison, and Washington Middle Schools

Councilman Burgess pointed out that for similar programs across the nation, success often means reductions of 2.5% to 20%, which is far less ambitious than the YVPI’s.

The Mayor’s office announced that, in addition to the middle school “emphasis officers” the YVPI includes, they intend to apply for Recovery Act (stimulus) funds to provide emphasis officers for high schools as well.

Holly Miller, interim YVPI director, said that the plan is a “community-led and community-driven process.” She said that “this is not going to be resolved by the government.” Her example of how the YVPI is “leveraging community resources,” was that somebody from the Seattle Vocational Institute called her the other day and said they have training slots and pre-apprenticeship programs available for youth in the program.

Pegi McEvoy of Seattle Public Schools affirmed that “it is the mobilization at the community level that we’re doing with the Urban League that will allow us to be successful.”

A potential weakness of the program is that, where “community involvement” is concerned, the government administrators have a bias toward engaging established institutions like nonprofits and educational institutions. The YVPI administrators are overstating the level of community involvement when they think of “the community” only in terms of citizens who have connections with groups like the Urban League.

Payment of 10% of the contracts with providers are contingent on meeting performance targets.

Interim Police Chief John Diaz confirmed that the new six-person Gang Unit day squad will start work patrolling high schools and corridors on April 15.

Meanwhile, there was a reassuring air of confidence and optimism among the assembled notables. They lauded their “tremendous group work” so far and expressed “delight” with the “magnificent effort on the City’s part and the Police Department’s part.”

There was laughter and thanks for everybody’s contributions and a sense of accomplishment that suggests something powerful is in the offing.

But I caution humility to all those involved in this promising initiative: across town, not an hour earlier, in broad daylight, there was an execution-style shooting at at Rainier and Othello. No arrests.

Until further notice, further congratulations are not in order.

Council members in attendance at Tuesday’s meeting: Tim Burgess, Bruce Harrell, Nick Lacata, Sally Clark.

Other key attendees: Holly Miller (Office for Education), Sid Sidorowicz (Office for Education), Doug Carey (Department of Finance), Jim Diaz (Interim Police Chief), James Kelly (Urban League), Jamila Taylor (Urban League’s YVPI administrator), Mark Worsham (County Juvenile Court), Pegi McEvoy (Seattle Public Schools).

Councilman Tim Burgess chairs the council’s Public Safety Committee. Photo Courtesy of City of Seattle

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The following guest column comes to us from Rainier Valley neighbor John Hoole:

johndiazSometime soon, Mayor Nickels will appoint a new police chief. Whether it ends up being Diaz, Metz, or some dynamic outsider, it would be a mistake to pin too many hopes on his choice because no police chief will care enough about youth violence in the Southeast and Central Districts to solve the problem. It’s our kids that are getting killed and we’re the ones who suffer in this atmosphere of insecurity and violence. Looking to somebody from the outside to come in and solve our problems is a recipe for continued disappointment.

The following excerpt, from a story in the Seattle Times on gangs in local schools, illustrates the point:

Because of those hostilities, Garfield, in the heart of the Central District, and Rainier Beach, a south end school, didn’t schedule a basketball game this year.

“We decided it wouldn’t be appropriate at this time,” said Robert Gary, principal at Rainier Beach. He said the concern wasn’t students but “outside elements” who might make students afraid to go to a game at Garfield or Rainier Beach.

Reading this, it’s hard not to click your tongue and think “so it’s come to this?” With this one act, the City, schools, and police showed that the problem is beyond them. Pity a public school or neighborhood or society whose agenda is set by feuding boys.

The next step in this train of thought is to conclude that if expert administrators and public servants with guns on their hips can’t make a high school basketball game happen, we regular people don’t stand a chance.

This is exactly wrong. The problem is that, instead of taking center stage ourselves, we’ve looked too long to our supporting cast – teachers, politicians, and police – to show the way. Naturally, they’ve been flailing.

The Bulldogs vs. Vikings game that couldn’t happen is a perfect example of what regular people in the Southeast and Central Districts need to make happen. Here is how a fantasy basketball game plays out:

Community groups and leaders in the Central and Southeast Districts* band together to line up a venue, sponsors, and generally organize the game. Those groups pull out all the stops to get their memberships out to the basketball game that was too dangerous to happen. The police, the school administrators, and the City enthusiastically do what do what we pay them to do, but the safety of the attendees from “outside elements” is guaranteed by the community, which turns out in droves.

Whether or not fantasy basketball becomes reality, there is really no substitute for this kind of community action.

It’s a potent symbol. The game that couldn’t be scheduled is a symbol of our failure as a community to provide our children with safe schools. Be sure that students got the message about who’s in charge at Garfield and Beach. The game that should be scheduled is a symbol of the community’s determination to take back ownership of its children’s education and safety.

It physically brings together parents and citizens of the Southeast and Central Districts, an essential ingredient in any lasting solution to our youth violence problem. Over in the Central District, there’s a spark of passion that we in the Southeast desperately need to catch if anything is to change. And when the political heat around the youth violence issue dies down, it will take the combined strength of our communities to make sure the resources the City has recently committed don’t go away with it.

It’s a model for the proper place of government in this fight. We should see government resources as one tool among many that citizens must bring to bear on the youth violence problem. And it’s a great opportunity for neighborhood activists and organizations to get out front as leaders and unifiers, where they belong.

It’s focused on the kids. The opportunity to succeed and contribute to a good future society is a debt Seattle owes its children. A Vikings/Bulldogs game is a chance for the whole community to celebrate our youth in life instead of waiting until one has fallen, as we too often do.

Let me summarize: our youth violence problem in the Southeast and Central Districts is severe and looks to be getting worse. Whatever the political turnover in the coming months, no police chief and no mayor will ride to our rescue. Our police department is short-staffed and our educators aren’t equipped to intervene in a gang war. The economic downturn will only add fuel to the fire. Basketball season is already over.

Individually, faced with such long odds, it’s natural to look for villains or a vaguely hope that our youth violence problem will somehow sort itself out. The question is do we want opportunity and safety for the children of our community bad enough to do something about it together? There’s always the post-season.

* Here’s just a few groups that come to mind: Southeast District Council, Southeast Neighborhood District Council, Urban League of Seattle, UmojaFest, Mt. Zion Baptist Church, Atlantic Street Center, 37th District Democrats, The Facts, The Skanner, the Seattle Medium, the Rainier Valley Post, Central District News, March For Youth, One Voice, the South Seattle Crime Prevention Council, the South Rainier Valley Safety Partnership, the Rainier Chamber of Commerce, Central Area Chamber of Commerce, CAMP, the Central District Council.

Mayor Nickels recently named SPD Deputy Police Chief John Diaz as interim chief. Photo Courtesy of the City of Seattle

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The following guest column comes to us from Rainier Valley neighbor John Hoole:

On the occasion of his annual State of the City address, Mayor Greg Nickels was in our neighborhood spreading election year cheer about crime. A mile from the spot where, a week and a half before, gunmen had shot 19 bullets into the living room of a woman who was home alone watching television, he called the crime rate in Seattle “a cause for optimism.” These past months, the Mayor has rarely missed an opportunity to tout with satisfaction the historic lows in crime he’s presided over.

As euphoric as our public officials are about the low crime rate, when it comes to the youth violence problem in the Central and Southeast Districts, they are unusually circumspect, describing it in terms of “perception”. The gang war in our neighborhoods has been lumped together with issues like public urination under the rubric “perceptions of social disorder.”

Police Chief Gil Kerlikowske recently speculated about why, even though “crime in South Seattle is stable,” the Department is still getting heat from South Precinct residents:

The media’s focus on violent crimes might color the public’s perception.

Officials carefully balance their sympathy for our perceptions with election-friendly reminders that on their watch “crime is at its lowest level in Seattle since the 1960s.”

Youth violence was on the agenda at the last Southeast District Council (SEDC) meeting, which was well-attended by experts on public safety. City Councilman Bruce Harrell attended, as did Captain Les Liggens and Lieutenant Eric Sano of the South Precinct. Assistant Police Chief Nick Metz, no doubt ambitious to replace Kerlikowske, was there too. Representing the Mayor’s office were Doug Carey, Public Safety Team Lead, and Holly Miller, the interim director of the Youth Violence Prevention Initiative.

Tom Acker, on behalf of the South Seattle Crime Prevention Council (SSCPC), shared 2008 crime statistics for the South Precinct, which showed an increase of 20% over 2007. According to the data the City provided him, homicides were up 80%, assaults 112%, non-residential burglary 187%, robbery 27%. Though it has been confirmed by the captain of the South Precinct and corroborated by the Police Guild, this meeting was the first time, to my knowledge, that any higher-level official has acknowledged that the City’s numbers show an increase in crime in the South Precinct.

“What happened was” is how the Mayor’s rep began his excuse for the discrepancy between the official numbers and the SSCPC’s correct ones. He went on to explain why the problem is no fault of the Mayor’s and why the jump in crime, while real, isn’t as dire as the numbers suggest – that again, it’s a matter of perception. Councilman Harrell, on hearing the correct 2008 crime numbers, remarked that “the briefing I get is not as bleak. Maybe I’m being misinformed or looking through rose colored glasses.”

pierreHow amorphous, how unreliable the Mayor’s statistics are compared with the awful evidence we have of mayhem in our neighborhoods! Donnie Cheatham, shot through the head on December 16th outside the Garfield Community Center, is blind. I’m sure that nobody who participated in the SPD-sponsored National Night Out events last August 5th has forgotten the shooting that night. Before the chairs, tables, and barbeques were hauled back into houses all around the city, the body of fifteen-year-old Pierre LaPointe (right) lay dead beside Rainier Avenue.

Speaking at a rally at the Garfield Community Center on February 21st, Mayor Nickels drew a line in the sand on youth violence that we ought to hold him to. Referring to Tyrone Love’s murder he declared that “we need to commit that it is the last time we see that happen in this neighborhood in this community.” But we know it probably will happen again in the Central District and in the Southeast District too because nothing fundamental has changed.

The Mayor’s eight million dollar (formerly nine million, according to the published overview) Youth Violence Prevention Initiative sounds promising, but focused as it is on medium-term prevention, it will do little to keep the peace and save lives over the next year.

For that purpose, nothing short of a regular, commonplace police presence on our streets will do. And it is the commitment of hard resources commensurate with the problem – beefing up the Gang Unit, authorizing overtime for 911 responders, moving police to the South Precinct where their presence is a matter of life and death – that seems to be tripping up our Mayor.

Responding to criticism that the South Precinct is short-staffed at the SEDC meeting, the Mayor’s rep said that it’s their “goal” to boost the Precinct to 105 by 2010, as specified in the Neighborhood Policing Act. No question about whether that number is adequate or whether the time line for getting them on the street (which apparently even Captain Liggens is unclear on) is appropriate. When Councilman Harrell pressed him on the matter, the Mayor’s rep responded (his edge of righteous indignation just so) “there is no one more committed to getting officers on the street than the Mayor.”

As the Mayor’s people wrapped up a sterling defense of their boss’s policies and the meeting came to a close, I was struck by how deflating the implicit message was. There, there, your violence problem isn’t so bad, is it? And besides, we’ve got it under control. Nothing more to be done except to go out one-by-one and mentor an at-risk youth. No action at all to be taken by the Southeast District Council.

The leaders of our community knew what to do when the crack epidemic hit here in late Eighties, when violence was rampant and there were an estimated 1,400 crack houses in southeast Seattle. They built organizations with names like Operation Results, Neighbors Against Drugs, and the South Seattle Crime Prevention Council. With the help of established groups like the Rainier Chamber of Commerce and the Columbia City Lion’s Club, they collaboratively took responsibility for their neighborhoods. They held Superior Court judges, the City, and the SPD accountable for their laxity and indifference.

In the service of his re-election campaign, Mayor Nickels would take credit now for future accomplishments that may or may not materialize. Given his unwillingness to concede the severity of the problem of crime and violence in our neighborhoods, we have reason to be skeptical that they will. The leaders of our community – the Southeast District Council, the Southeast Neighborhood District Council, the South Seattle Crime Prevention Council, the Rainier Chamber of Commerce, and whoever else – should make Mayor Nickels earn his vaunted public safety record.

Mayor Nickels gave his State of the City Address at the new Rainier Vista Boys & Girls Club facility in the Rainier Valley, without ever actually mentioning the Rainier Valley, where – in contrast to the rest of the city – crime continues to increase. Photo/do communications, inc.

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The following guest column comes to us from Rainier Valley neighbor John Hoole.

I.
When my neighbors two blocks up Beacon Hill on the west side of 32nd Ave South look through their front windows, they gaze upon the inhabitants of the most diverse zip code in these United States of America. I’ve never asked one of them what they make of us and, passing by, they betray no awe or undue suspicion. Even so, contemplating all the pent-up curiosity out there spurs me to action. From the frontier of 98118, Washington State’s mythic jewel of diversity, I offer the following orientation.

My little house faces east, overlooking the light rail track on a triangular block that juts from Martin Luther King Junior Way South. At one end is a Vietnamese wedding house; at the other, the long-abandoned Dos Amigos Tavern.

Abu-Bakr mosque just south of us is a reliable magnet, drawing to it at midday the elder statesmen of the neighborhood with their henna-dyed beards. Another block down at Orcas and MLK is Katherine’s Place, whose four startlingly blue stories of transitional housing rise from the spot where the old Empire Way Tavern once stood.

Walk the alley that runs behind my house before dawn and you might see an ancient looking woman toiling under a plastic-covered lean-to, baking dozens of tiny cookies. You may think to ask her what they’re for, but the scene plays out at an hour too early for strangers to speak comfortably. The guy who lives at the mouth of the alley works private event security on the East Side and wears a gun on his hip sometimes when he walks out to get the mail.

On the back side of the block is an auto shop with no name that’s manned by a devoted young crew of tinkerers and their friends, the customers. The one time I talked to the owner of the building, who had pulled up in a polished black Escalade, he gestured at the bustling garage and offered me the mysterious assurance, “This is going away soon. It’s not a real business.”

II.
Just before Christmas, my family bundled up and made our way to the other side of MLK to catch a bus downtown. Having done so, we crossed from the Greater Duwamish to the Southeast District, from Beacon Hill to Columbia City, and from census tract 104 to 103. Martin Luther King, you see is one of the great divisions in a community defined by its divisions.

That thick line running down the middle of MLK on so many maps persistently upsets my sense of place. Though we’re across the street, my household looks toward Columbia City. On sunny weekends we walk over to the bakery and shop around a little. My kid’s daycare is there and so is the business we owned a few years back. If I go to a neighborhood meeting, as likely as not it will be in Columbia City. Despite all these credentials (and the fact that my house is as much in the trough of the Valley as anybody’s down in Rainier Beach), maps consign us to Beacon Hill. I shamelessly pass myself off as a Columbia City resident.

But the difference between the west and east side of the street translates into real-world distinctions. From census tract 104, where I live, to 103 on the other side of the tracks, reported crime jumps by around 50 percent. Year after year, they have us solidly beat in vandalism, drug abuse violations, crimes against families and children, and the murky offenses police don’t care to separate into categories. Talking to residents over there, tales of gunshots and broken passenger side windows and their air of grim determination bear out the numbers.

Census data reveals that tract 103, where last spring a woman repeatedly stabbed a visitor to her apartment with a paring knife for talking loudly during an episode of “America’s Next Top Model”, has a markedly lower median household income and a higher percentage of residents living below the poverty line than 104. It’s tempting to conclude from facts like these that income accounts for the difference, but the census data is 10 years old by now and the neighborhood has changed in untold ways.

Six years ago when I was shopping for my first house, I was priced out of the swath of Columbia City between Rainier and MLK. Being that much closer to the business district, crime-ridden census tract 103 looked like the province of people better off than I. For those taking notes, this counts as one of the persistent themes of life in southeast Seattle: lived experience often trumps the hard boundaries and numbers.

III.
The area west of Lake Washington, north of Renton and Tukwila, and east of Beacon Hill, is carved up a half dozen different ways to express geographic, political, historical, or demographic difference. Call it southeast Seattle, the Rainier Valley, or the south end. Some wised-up souls shorten it up to “the Southeast” or, safe within its boundaries, just say “down here”. People who don’t get down here much knowingly refer to it as “the hood” or “the ghetto”. What name or slice you choose depends on how urbane, poor, diverse, affordable, or dangerous you want it to be.

To see what I mean, look no further than the Seattle Housing Authority’s Rainier Vista development, which falls on either side of MLK. The City Clerk’s map has the boundary of Rainier Valley jogging across the street to encompass all of Rainier Vista; the Southeast District’s boundary cuts straight up MLK, leaving the west half orphaned across the tracks. The Columbia City Community Council’s neighborhood boundary veers inward excluding both the west and east sides of the development.

NewHolly, another SHA development a mile down the street, is by any neighbor’s definition part of southeast Seattle. But like my house, it’s on the wrong side of Martin Luther King and just outside the Southeast District. Though the Mt. Baker neighborhood is securely in the Southeast District, its northern half bobs up out of the Nation’s most diverse zip code.

The Rainier Valley is southeast Seattle boiled to the bone. It’s the historic center of the place and spot on the map people wag a finger at when they speak of gangs, the plight of the inner city, or, in the human interest vein, “vibrant” culture.

It has 6% more immigrants, $5,913 less in median household income, and a poverty rate 8.7% higher than southeast Seattle as a whole (which is to say, including such really upscale neighborhoods such as Lakewood and Seward Park). Any visitor who mistakes the several blocks of Columbia City for Wallingford and then continues down Rainier Avenue toward Renton can see that the Valley contains all of our contradictions.

Pause for a moment and observe within the swollen boundary of the Seattle Police Department’s South Precinct the urgency of lived experience colliding with official piety. For residents of the Rainier Valley, the teens gunned down and the muggings are inescapable realities. As is the fact that the Department hasn’t committed the manpower to staff the Precinct, which bulged westward in 2008 to include the Sodo District and Georgetown, let alone keep the peace in the existing area.

Meanwhile, Police Chief Kerlikowske and Mayor Nickels, who seem to count optimism as a crime fighting tactic, sleep the sleep of the just, knowing that everywhere in their domain crime is at its forty-year low.

Or witness the history of diversity in the making as the boundary of the 37th legislative district balloons over time, gerrymandered ever southward to maximize its minority voting population. Until 1957, it was only a wee triangle up north covering the Central District and part of Capitol Hill. Since the last round of redistricting in 2001, it has metamorphosed into a fat caterpillar which extends from Magnolia to north Renton, including Pioneer Square downtown, a speck of Tukwila, and all of the Rainier Valley.

98118′s claim to the crown of diversity is shared by two zip codes in New York and another in Chicago. I say “shared” instead of “disputed” because none of them bother to substantiate, let alone defend the title. Around here, it’s part of the common folklore and is spread as a fact because it feels true. Albany Park, Chicago, with admirable modesty (and precision!), bills itself “the third most diverse zip code in the United States.”

Most diverse zip code! It’s repeated with such uncritical enthusiasm that you could fairly substitute “diverse” with any number exemplary adjectives like say, “glorious.”

IV.
The hundred and fifty years of southeast Seattle’s recorded history has been a story of newcomers arriving and adapting the neighborhood to their needs, a state of affairs viewed alternately as an opportunity and a great misfortune by the people who came before. Consequently, local politics has always been a struggle over who are the legitimate, typical residents.

What is left behind by successive waves of settlement and exodus is an indefinite place that defies the common names and boundaries. Certain outposts are as closely linked with distant neighborhoods and cities — Mogadishu, High Point, Renton — as they are to their immediate surroundings. These exist next to settlements fixed in our geography by deep, stubborn historical roots. The churn of population coming and going persists.

Around every corner, it seems, is another institution that caters to the sensibilities or beliefs of a narrow slice of residents. Overwhelmingly significant locales like the Cham mosque tucked in a residential street behind the Brighton playfield. Like that temple of cultivated consumption down in Seward Park, the PCC market, or the open air gun market that materializes some days at the southeast corner of Henderson and Rainier. Such places, which most of us barely see and whose significance we’ll never feel, are tokens of dramatically different lived experience in geographic proximity, but isolated in practice.

Most often, to speak on behalf of such a disparate place in the sweeping, authoritative way people do is to speak out of turn. Whether it’s a local political candidate who asks her audience to vote for “people who look like you,” a Mt. Baker resident with a commanding view of the lake kibitzing about gentrification, an activist accusing the school district of systematic racism, or a developer hawking condos in a newly “walkable” neighborhood, the question of who is doing the talking is begged.

Where do the interests of Vietnamese refugees, middle class white homeowners, the well-to-do by the water, new-to-the-neighborhood renters, and African American families who have been in the Valley for generations converge? There always lurks the depressing possibility that they don’t, that compared with all the other things that make us who we are and bind us to others, geography is circumstantial.

Who am I? Where do I belong? Freedom from the indignity of figuring out such things is one of those rarely examined perquisites of adulthood. Accepting as given some basics allows us to face the vicissitudes of work and family life with purpose and conviction. But in a community as divided as this one, personal virtue easily translates to civic vice.

Today in southeast Seattle there reins a very grown-up surety about the story of who “we” are, what’s at stake in neighborhood politics, how one gets a seat at the table, and who has acted correctly. As if by reflex, some of us trot around to the opposing sides of whatever issue is hot. Many more, not seeing their interests reflected in the civic dialog, opt out of participation altogether. What is called for is an individual and collective reversion to that time before such things were settled.

Here in the home of divergent assumptions, existing as a true community and uniting around anything worthwhile is an enterprise worthy of a seventeen year old, with all the social awkwardness, self-doubt, and risk of embarrassment that implies. I admit that the idea, in its similarity to the platitude “can’t we all just get along?” sounds trite, but the presumption that we know what’s what is exactly the problem.

Whether 98118 is the second- or tenth-most diverse zip code in the United States, and whichever boundary you happen to stand inside, in southeast Seattle getting to know your neighbors is a potent political act. Finding common cause with them counts as radical.

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